As Singapore looks towards the upcoming General Election (GE) 2025, discussions and analyses about potential results are already a hot topic.
Much anticipation revolves around the performance of the opposition parties, and while the final outcome remains to be seen, it’s valuable to consider various scenarios and what they might tell us about the evolving political landscape.
Let’s consider a hypothetical scenario where, perhaps to the disappointment of some observers, the opposition did not manage to secure a significant increase in the number of seats in Parliament.
In this imagined outcome, places like Jalan Kayu, Punggol, and Tampines East did not see the hoped-for flips to the Workers’ Party (WP), contrary to some expectations.
This kind of result, if it were to occur, would naturally lead to reflections on the challenges faced by opposition parties in expanding their parliamentary presence.
However, even within such a scenario, there can be significant positives and indicators of progress that go beyond the simple seat count. Looking closely at potential vote share trends and the performance of specific teams can offer valuable insights.
One key area that observers might point to is the performance in Sengkang GRC. In this hypothetical scenario, if the WP team were to notably strengthen its mandate, say by increasing its vote share from a previous 52% to around 56%, and coming close to the Workers’ Party’s long-held Aljunied GRC’s vote share (e.g., 59%), this would be a tremendous development.
It could strongly suggest that Sengkang is solidifying its position as a second potential stronghold for the WP, which would be absolutely huge for the party’s long-term stability and growth.
Another positive takeaway, in this hypothetical picture, might be the position of individuals like Dr. Chee Soon Juan.
If the election results placed him among the top-performing losing candidates, making him a strong contender for a Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seat, this could be seen as the potential fulfillment of a lifelong dream for him to be in Parliament.
Many would be excited to see him there, with some believing his debating skills on policy issues could be a significant contribution, perhaps even stronger in that arena than some current opposition or even ruling party MPs.
Furthermore, the hypothetical performance in a constituency like Punggol could offer significant hope for the future. Imagine a scenario where a team of four relatively new WP faces secured a respectable 46% of the vote, particularly notable given they were contesting against a team potentially led by a Deputy Prime Minister and had a limited campaigning period of perhaps only nine days.
This level of support for a new team would be nothing to scoff at. Coupled with the observation that Punggol’s natural geographical boundaries might make it less susceptible to significant redrawing in future boundary reviews, this hypothetical performance could signal that, if the WP team remains intact and continues to work the ground diligently over the next five years, this constituency could genuinely be within their grasp in the subsequent general election.
In conclusion, while the ultimate measure of success in an election is often viewed through the lens of seats won, a deeper analysis of vote shares, the entrenchment of support in key areas, and the emergence of strong individual voices provides a more nuanced picture.
As we anticipate the actual GE 2025, focusing on these underlying trends, even in hypothetical considerations, can offer valuable insights into the resilience and strategic positioning of the opposition in Singapore’s political landscape.
